What Really Caused
World War 2?
The Lead Up to World War 2
Chemical Cartels
Without a doubt, a key player in the cause of World War 2 was
the powerful Adolf Hitler. But the major source of Hitler's
power came from a chemical cartel called I.G. Farben, (the
name is an abbreviation of the complete name: Interssen
Gemeinschaft Farben.) The importance of I.G. Farben's support
for the Socialist movement was pointed out in a book about the
cartel, in which it is stated: "without I.G.'s immense
production facilities, its far reaching research, varied
technical experience and overall concentration of economic
power, Germany would not have been in a position to start its
aggressive war in September, 1939."1
But I.G. Farben had a
little-known source of its enormous economic power: Wall
Street, U.S.A. "Without the capital supplied by Wall Street,
there would have been no I.G. Farben in the first place, and
almost certainly no Adolf Hitler and World War II."2
I.G. Farben had its
beginning in 1924 when American banker Charles Dawes arranged
a series of foreign loans totalling $800 million to
consolidate gigantic chemical and steel combinations into
cartels, one of which was I.G. Farben. Professor Can-oil
Quigley terms the Dawes Plan: "largely a J.P. Morgan
production."3
Three Wall Street houses,
Dillon, Read & Co.; Harris, Forbes & Co.; and National City
handled three-quarters of the loans used to create these
cartels.
The importance of LG.
Farben to the plans of the German Nazi Party can be
illustrated by a product that an I.G. dominated company
manufactured. It was called Zyklon B, the lethal gas utilized
by the exterminators at Auschwitz, Bitterfeld, Walfen,
Hoechst, Agfa, Ludwigshafen, and Buchenwald. (I.G. Farben,
being a chemical company even before it was merged with other
chemical companies to form the cartel, was also the producer
of the chlorine gas used during World War I.) American support
for I.G. Farben continued as Henry Ford merged his German
assets with those of I.G. in 1928.4
But the real importance
of I.G. to the war efforts of Adolf Hitler came in the
utilization of the process known as hydrogenation, the
production of gasoline from coal, created by the I.G. Farben
chemical cartel. Germany had no native gasoline production
capabilities, and this was one of the main reasons it lost
World War I. A German scientist discovered the process of
converting coal (Germany was the possessor of large quantities
of coal) into gasoline in 1909, but the technology was not
completely developed during the war. In August, 1927, Standard
Oil agreed to embark on a cooperative program of research and
development of the hydrogenation process to refine the oil
necessary for Germany to prepare for World War II.
And finally, on November
9, 1929, these two giant companies signed a cartel agreement
that had two objectives:
First, the cartel
agreement granted Standard Oil one-half of all rights to the
hydrogenation process in all countries of the world except
Germany; and
Secondly, the two
agreed: "... never to compete with each other in the fields
of chemistry and petroleum products. In the future, if
Standard Oil wished to enter the broad field of industrial
chemicals or drugs, it would do so only as a partner of
Farben.
Farben, in turn, agreed
never to enter the field of petroleum except as a joint
venture with Standard."5
This cartel agreement was
extremely important to the war effort, because, by the end of
the war, Germany was producing about seventy-five percent of
its fuel synthetically.
But even more significant
was the fact that these plants were not the subject of Allied
bombing raids, so that, by the war's end, twenty-five to
thirty of its refineries were still operating with only about
fifteen percent damage.
Standard Oil got into the
refining business as well. In fact, William Dodd, the U.S.
Ambassador in Germany, wrote the following in his diary about
the pre-war years around 1936: "The Standard Oil Company of
New York, the parent company of the Vacuum (Oil Company,) has
spent 10,000,000 marks in Germany trying to find oil resources
and (in) building a great refinery near the Hamburg harbor."6
President Herbert
Hoover
Meanwhile, back in the United States, preparations were being
made to elect a President. In 1932, President Herbert Hoover,
a member of the CFR, was seeking re-election. He was
approached by "Henry Harriman, President of that body (the
United States Chamber of Commerce who) urged that I agree to
support these proposals (the National Industry Recovery Act,
the NRA, amongst others,) informing me that Mr. Roosevelt had
agreed to do so. I tried to show him that this stuff was pure
fascism; that it was merely a remaking of Mussolini's
'corporate state' and refused to agree to any of it. He
informed me that in view of my attitude, the business world
would support Roosevelt with money and influence."7
Hoover, later in 1940,
indirectly explained why he refused the support of the
American business community. He saw inherent problems with
government control of the business world:
In every single case
before the rise of totalitarian governments there had been a
period dominated by economic planners.
Each of these nations
had an era under starry-eyed men who believed that they
could plan and force the economic life of the people.
They believed that was
the way to correct abuse or to meet emergencies in systems
of free enterprise.
They exalted the state
as the solver of all economic problems. These men thought
they were liberals. But they also thought they could have
economic dictatorship by bureaucracy and at the same time
preserve free speech, orderly justice, and free government.
They might be called
the totalitarian liberals.
Directly or indirectly
they politically controlled credit, prices, production of
industry, farmer and laborer.
They devalued,
pump-primed, and deflated. They controlled private business
by government competition, by regulation and by taxes. They
met every failure with demands for more and more power and
control....
Then came chronic
unemployment and frantic government spending in an effort to
support the unemployed.
Government debts
mounted and finally government credit was undermined.
And then came the
complete takeover, whether it was called Fascism, Socialism,
or Communism.
Yet, even with Hoover's
refusal to support the goals of "big business," Roosevelt's
presidential campaign of 1932 consistently attacked President
Hoover for his alleged association with the international
bankers and for pandering to the demands of big business. The
pervasive historical image of FDR is one of a president
fighting on behalf of "the little guy," the man in the street,
in the midst of unemployment and financial depression brought
about by "big business" speculators allied with Wall Street.
"Roosevelt was a creation of Wall Street [and] an integral
part of the New York banking fraternity...."8
The 1932 presidential
campaign strategy was very simple: "big business" wanted
Roosevelt, but ran him as an "anti-big business" candidate.
Hoover was "anti-big business," but the media convinced the
American people that he was "pro-big business."
The result was
predictable. Roosevelt defeated the incumbent Hoover. He
could now start his move, what he called the "New Deal,"
towards a Fascist state. One observer, Whitaker Chambers, the
American Communist Party member who defected, commented thus
about the "New Deal:" "(It) was a genuine revolution, whose
deepest purpose was not simply reform within existing
traditions but a basic change in the social, and above all,
the power relationship within the nation."9
The Plot to Seize
the White House
It
was about this time that an incredible scheme concerning the
presidency of the United States started taking shape. From
July, 1932 through November, 1933, a well known and popular
military general. Major General Smedley Butler of the U.S.
Marine Corps "...was sought by wealthy plotters in the United
States to lead a putsch (revolution) to overthrow the
government and establish an American Fascist dictatorship."10
Butler was tempted into
the plot by "... the biggest bribe ever offered to any
American—the opportunity to become the first dictator of the
United States." He was approached by three gentlemen: Grayson
Mallet-Provost Murphy, a director of Guaranty Trust, a J.P.
Morgan Bank; Robert S. Clark, a banker who had inherited a
large fortune from a founder of the Singer Sewing Machine
Company; and John W. Davis, the 1924 Democratic candidate for
President and the chief attorney for J.P. Morgan and Company.
Their plan was to "... seize the White House with a private
army [of 500,000 veterans], hold Franklin Roosevelt prisoner,
and get rid of him if he refused to serve as their puppet in a
dictatorship they planned to impose and control.”11
The plotters revealed to
Butler that they had $3 million in working funds and could get
$300 million if it were needed.
Why the plotters selected
General Butler is a mystery, as Butler truly understood his
role as a general in the Marine Corps. He was on record as
saying: "War was largely a matter of money. Bankers lend money
to foreign countries and when they cannot repay, the President
sends Marines to get it. I know - I've been in eleven of
these expeditions.”12
Butler's assertions that
the military actually acted as a collection agency for the big
bankers was confirmed in 1934 by the Senate Munitions
Investigating Committee which "confirmed his (Butler's)
suspicions that big business - Standard Oil, United Fruit, the
sugar trust, the big banks – had been behind most of the
military interventions he had been ordered to lead."13
In addition, Congress
created the McCormack-Dickstein Committee to investigate
Butler's charges. The conclusions of this group confirmed
General Butler's charges by finding five significant facts
that lent validity to Butler's testimony.
Jules Archer, the author
of the book on Butler's charges, entitled The Plot to Seize
the White House, interviewed John J. McCormack, the
co-chairman of the Committee and asked for his views on the
plot:
Archer- Then in your
opinion, America could definitely have been a Fascist power
had it not been for General Butler's patriotism in exposing
the plot?
McCormack: It certainly
could have. The people were in a very confused state of
mind, making the nation weak and ripe for some drastic kind
of extremist reaction. Mass frustration could bring about
anything.14
There are those, however,
who believe that the intent of the plotters was not the
imposition of Butler as the leader of the government, but was
actually to use the incident as a means by which Roosevelt
could impose a dictatorship down upon the American people
after Butler led his army upon the White House. This action,
after Roosevelt termed it to be a “national emergency," could
have enabled him to take complete control of the government in
the emergency, and the American people would probably have
cheered the action. So Butler was, according to this theory,
only the excuse to take complete control of the machinery of
the government, and was never intended to be the new dictator.
The plan failed, after
Butler revealed the existence of the plot, and Roosevelt had
to be content, if the theory is correct, with just being the
President and not the dictator of the United States. Roosevelt
had other plans for a fascist United States, however. Frances
Perkins, Roosevelt's Labor Secretary, reports that "At the
first meeting of the cabinet after the President took office
in 1933, the financier and advisor to Roosevelt, Bernard
Baruch, and Baruch's friend, General Hugh Johnson, who was to
become the head of the National Recovery Administration, came
in with a copy of a book by Gentile, the Italian Fascist
theoretician, for each member of the Cabinet, and we all read
it with care."15
So the plan was to move
the American government into the area of Fascism or government
control of the factors of production without a Butler-led
revolution. It was decided that one of the main methods of
achieving this goal was through a war, and the plans for a war
involving the United States were being laid.
War With Japan
One
of the sources for confirming the fact that these plans were
underway is Jim Parley, Roosevelt's Postmaster General and a
member of Roosevelt's Cabinet. Mr. Parley wrote that at the
second cabinet meeting in 1933: "The new President again
turned to the possibility of war with Japan.”
It
is possible that President Roosevelt knew that war with Japan
had been planned even before 1933. According to one historian,
Charles C. Tansill, professor of diplomatic history at
Georgetown University, war with Japan was planned as early as
1915.
In
a book entitled Pearl Harbor, Roosevelt and the Coming of
the War, published by D.C. Heath and Company, Professor
Tansill makes this interesting observation:
The policy of pressure upon Japan antedated [President
Roosevelt's Secretary of War Henry] Stimson some two
decades...
Under Woodrow Wilson, a three-pronged offensive was launched
against Nippon [Japan]....
In January, 1915, the American minister at Peking... sent to
the Department of State a series of dispatches so critical
in tone that they helped to create in American minds a
fixation of Japanese wickedness that made eventual war with
Japan a probability.
It will be recalled that
Franklin Roosevelt had been appointed Wilson's Assistant
Secretary of the Navy, so it is both conceivable and probable
that he knew about these dispatches and the plans to involve
us in a future war with Japan as early as 1915.
If the professor is
correct, it was not Roosevelt's purpose to bring President
Wilson's plans into fruition. All that was needed was an act
that could be utilized as the reason for a declaration of war
against Japan.
That reason was an attack at Pearl Harbor.
In fact, the American
government knew that they were vulnerable at Pearl Harbor, the
site of Japan's "surprise" attack to start World War II. It
was at Pearl Harbor in 1932 that the United States Navy
conducted maneuvers to test the chances of success of an
attack from the sea. They discovered that Pearl Harbor was
vulnerable from as close as sixty miles off the shore. That
meant that Japan could attack from sixty miles away from Pearl
Harbor and be undetected. The American Navy had proved it.
American Business in the War
Not
only was the government concerning itself with a possible war
with Japan, but it was also aware that American capitalists
were creating a war machine in Germany in the early 1930's,
years before Germany started their involvement in World War
II.
William Dodd, the U.S.
Ambassador in Germany, wrote Roosevelt from Berlin:
At the present moment,
more than a hundred American corporations have subsidiaries
here or cooperative understandings.
The DuPonts have their
allies in Germany that are aiding in the armament business.
Their chief ally is the I.G. Farben Company, a part of the
government which gives 200,000 marks a year to one
propaganda organization operating on American opinion.
Standard Oil Company...
sent $2,000,000 here in December, 1933 and has made $500,000
a year helping Germans make ersatz [a substitute] gas [the
hydrogenation process of converting coal to gasoline] for
war purposes; but Standard Oil cannot take any of its
earnings out of the country except in goods.
The International
Harvester Company president told me their business here rose
33% year [arms manufacture, I believe], but they could take
nothing out.
Even our airplanes
people have secret arrangements with Krupps.
General Motors Company
and Ford do enormous business here through their
subsidiaries and take no profits out.16
In addition to these
American companies, others were assisting the Germans in
creating the materials they needed to wage war. For instance,
International Telephone and Telegraph (I.T.T.) purchased a
substantial interest in Focke-WoIfe, an airplane manufacturer
which meant that I.T.T. was producing German fighter aircraft
used to kill Americans.
I.G. Farben's assets in
America were controlled by a holding company called American
I.G. Farben. The following individuals, among others, were
members of the Board of Directors of this corporation:
-
Edsel Ford, President
of the Ford Motor Co.;
-
Charles E. Mitchell,
President of Rockefeller's National City Bank of New York;
-
Walter Teagle,
President of Standard Oil of New York;
-
Paul Warburg, Chairman
of the Federal Reserve, and the brother of Max Warburg, the
financier of Germany's war effort, and
-
Herman Metz, a director
of the Bank of Manhattan, controlled by the Warburgs.
It is an interesting and
revealing fact of history that three other members of the
Board of Governors of the American I.G. were tried and
convicted as German "war criminals" for their crimes "against
humanity," during World War II, while serving on the Board of
Governors of I.G. Farben. None of the Americans who sat on the
same board with those convicted were ever tried as "war
criminals" even though they participated in the same decisions
as the Germans. It appears that it is important whether your
nation wins or loses the war as to whether or not you are
tried as a "war criminal."
It was in 1939, during
the year that Germany started the war with its invasions of
Austria and Poland, that Standard Oil of New Jersey loaned I.G.
Farben $20 million of high-grade aviation gasoline.
The two largest German
tank manufacturers were Opel, a wholly owned subsidiary of
General Motors and controlled by the J.P. Morgan firm, and the
Ford subsidiary of the Ford Motor Company.
In addition, Alcoa and
Dow Chemical transferred technology to the Germans, as did
Bendix Aviation, in which the J.P. Morgan-controlled General
Motors had a major stock interest, which supplied data on
automatic pilots, aircraft instruments and aircraft and diesel
engine starters.
In addition to direct
material support, other "capitalistic" companies supplied
support: In 1939 the German electrical equipment industry was
concentrated into a few major corporations linked in an
international cartel and by stock ownership to two major U.S.
corporations (International General Electric and International
Telephone and Telegraph.)
Further support for the
American owned or controlled corporations came during the war
itself, when their industrial complexes, their buildings and
related structures, were not subject to Allied bombing raids:
"This industrial complex (International General Electric and
International Telephone and Telegraph) was never a prime
target for bombing in World War II. The electrical equipment
plants bombed as targets were not affiliated with U.S. firms."17
Another example of a
German General Electric plant not bombed was the plant at
Koppelsdorf, Germany, producing radar sets and bombing
antennae. Perhaps the reason certain plants were bombed and
others weren't lies in the fact that, under the U.S.
Constitution, the President is the Commander-in-Chief of all
armed forces, and therefore the determiner of what targets are
bombed.
The significance of
America's material support to the German government's war
efforts comes when the question as to what the probable
outcome of Germany's efforts would be: "... not only was an
influential sector of American business aware of the nature of
Nazism, but for its own purposes aided Nazism wherever
possible (and profitable) with full knowledge that the
probable outcome would be war involving Europe and the United
States."18
Even Hitler's ideas about
exterminating the Jews were known to any observer who cared to
do a little research. Hitler himself had written: "I have the
right to exterminate millions of individuals of inferior
races, which multiply like vermin."
In addition, Hitler made
his desires known as early as 1923 when he detailed his plans
for the Jews in his book Mein Kampf. Even the SS Newspaper,
the Black Corps called for: "The extermination with fire and
sword, the actual and final end of Jewry."
This material support
continued even after the war officially started. For instance,
even after Germany invaded Austria in March, 1938, the Ethyl
Gasoline Corporation, fifty percent owned by General Motors
and fifty percent by Standard Oil, was asked by I.G. Farben to
build tetra-ethyl plants in Germany, with the full support of
the U.S. Department of War which expressed no objection to the
transactions.
And in August, 1938, I.G.
Farben "borrowed" 500 tons of tetra-ethyl lead, the gas
additive, from Standard Oil.
Later, after the invasion
of Austria, and prior to the German invasion of Poland in
1939, Germany and Russia signed a pact on August 23,1939, with
a secret clause for the division of Poland by these two
war-time allies.
All of the material
support and all of the secret agreements came to a head on
September 1, 1939, when Germany invaded Poland in accordance
with the terms of the pact signed with Russia.
The Second World War had
begun.
Next:
The Start of World
War 2
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